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Doing what kids naturally do, the two girls were having fun climbing in and out of a cart on the property when out of nowhere they started to roll uncontrollably down a hill towards the water. Although they screamed in terror, by the time the accident was discovered it was too late. The young girls had fallen into the water and drowned. The second event, an equally sad tragedy, occurred in when the lighthouse keeper, Joseph Andreu, fell to his death while painting the outside of the lighthouse. Guests to this historic lighthouse have witnessed apparitions, disembodied voices and the appearance of several spirits.

Most notably, a little girl in a blue dress, believed to be the ghost of the older Pity sister, has been spotted lingering among the grounds. There has been so much haunted activity at the lighthouse that is has been featured on the TV show Ghost Hunters. Eerie accounts by visitors include hearing painful moaning and chains rattling within the gallows where many prisoners were executed. The sight of the long-dead Sheriff Perry, who was known for his firm hand and harsh punishment practices, has spooked many a guest. Even reports of his heavy footsteps are enough to cause frightened guests to leave the premises as quickly as possible.

It was in when the city of St. Augustine had to replace several water lines under the Spanish Military Hospital. During construction, a startling discovery was made — thousands of human bones! It seems that the hospital was built on top of a Timucuan burial ground. Even before the remains were unearthed, workers and patients inside the hospital reported an evil spirit roaming the wards.

Some say they could hear conversations going on; although the voices seemed hushed or a distance away. And many guests say they could see an imprint on the bed in one of the rooms, as if someone was laying on it. Although not the oldest in the city, the Huguenot Cemetery dates back to when the city needed a burial ground for those who were not Catholic. Considered a hotbed of paranormal activity, the cemetery is the final resting place for thousands of St. It has been thought that Augustine's anti-Pelagian teaching grew out of his conception of the Church and its sacraments as a means of salvation; and attention was called to the fact that before the Pelagian controversy this aspect of the Church had, through the struggle with the Donatists, assumed special importance in his mind.

But this conception should be denied.

It is quite true that in Augustine's views on sin and grace, freedom and predestination, were not what they afterward came to be. But the new trend was given to them before the time of his anti-Donatist activity, and so before he could have heard anything of Pelagius. What we call Augustinianism was not a reaction against Pelagianism; it would be much truer to say that the latter was a reaction against Augustine's views.

St. Augustine of Hippo

He himself names the beginning of his episcopate as the turning-point. Accordingly, in the first thing which he wrote after his consecration, the De diversis gucestionibus ad Simplicianum or , we come already upon the new conception. In no other of his writings do we see as plainly the gradual attainment of conviction on any point; as he himself says in the Retractationes , he was laboring for the free choice of the will of man, but the grace of God won the day.

So completely was it won, that we might set forth the specifically Augustinian teaching on grace, as against the Pelagians and the Massilians, by a series of quotations taken wholly from this treatise. It is true that much of his later teaching is still undeveloped here; the question of predestination though the word is used does not really come up; he is not clear as to the term " election"; and nothing is said of the " gift of perseverance. It is determined by no reference to the question of infant baptism -- still less by any considerations connected with the conception of the Church.

The impulse comes directly from Scripture, with the help, it is true, of those exegetical thoughts which he mentioned earlier as those of others and not his own. To be sure, Paul alone can not explain this doctrine of grace; this is evident from the fact that the very definition of grace is non-Pauline. Grace is for Augustine, both now and later, not the misericordia peccata condonans of the Reformers, as justification is not the alteration of the relation to God accomplished by means of the accipere remissionem.

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Grace is rather the misericordia which displays itself in the divine inspiratio and justification is justum or pium fieri as a result of this. We may even say that this grace is an interne illuminatio such as a study of Augustine's Neoplatonism enables us easily to understand, which restores the connection with the divine bonum esse. He had long been convinced that " not only the greatest but also the smallest good things can not be, except from him from whom are all good things, that is, from God;" and it might well seem to him to follow from this that faith, which is certainly a good thing, could proceed from the operation of God alone.

This explains the idea that grace works like a law of nature, drawing the human will to God with a divine omnipotence. Of course this Neoplatonic coloring must not be exaggerated; it is more consistent with itself in his earlier writings than in the later, and he would never have arrived at his predestinarian teaching without the New Testament. With this knowledge, we are in a position to estimate the force of a difficulty which now confronted Augustine for the first time, but never afterward left him, and which has been present in the Roman Catholic teaching even down to the Councils of Trent and the Vatican.

If faith depends upon an action of our own, solicited but not caused by vocation, it can only save a man when, per fidem gratiam accipiens , he becomes one who not merely believes in God but loves him also. But if faith has been already inspired by grace, and if, while the Scripture speaks of justification by faith, it is held in accordance with the definition of grace that justification follows upon the infitsio caritatis , -then either the conception of the faith which is God-inspired must pass its fluctuating boundaries and, approach nearer to that of caritas, or the conception of faith which is unconnected with caritas will render the fact of its inspiration unintelligible and justification by faith impossible.

Augustine's anti-Pelagian writings set forth this doctrine of grace more clearly in some points, such as the terms " election," " predestination," " the gift of perseverance," and also more logically; but space forbids us to show this here, as the part taken in this controversy by Augustine is so fully detailed elsewhere. In order to arrive at a decision as to what influence the Donatist controversy had upon Augustine's intellectual development, it is necessary to see how long and how intensely he was concerned with it.

We have seen that even before he was a bishop he was defending the catholic Church against the Donatists; and after his consecration he took part directly or indirectly in all the important discussions of the matter, some of which have been already mentioned, and defended the cause of the Church in letters and sermons as well as in his more formal polemical writings. The first of these which belongs to the period of his episcopate, Contra partem Donati , has been lost; about he wrote the two cognate treatises Contra epistulam Parmeniani the Donatist bishop of Carthage and De baptismo contra Donatistas.

He was considered by the schismatics as their chief antagonist, and was obliged to defend himself against a libelous attack on their part in a rejoinder now lost. From the years and we have the reply to the Donatist bishop of Cirta, Contra epistulam Petiliani , and also the Epistula ad catholicos de unitate ecclesioe.

The conflict was now reaching its most acute stage. After the Carthaginian synod of had made preparations for a decisive debate with the Donatists, and the latter had declined to fall in with the plan, the bitterness on both sides increased. Another synod at Carthage the following year decided that the emperor should be asked for penal laws against the Donatists. Honorius granted the request; but the employment of force in matters of belief brought up a new point of discord between the two sides.

When these laws were abrogated , the plan of a joint conference was tried once more in June, , under imperial authority, nearly bishops being present from each side, with Augustine and Aurelius of Carthage as the chief representatives of the Catholic cause.

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In the following year, the Donatists proving insubordinate, Honorius issued a new and severer edict against them, which proved the beginning of the end for the schism. For these years from to we have twenty-one extant letters of Augustine's bearing on the controversy, and there were eight formal treatises, but four of these are lost.

Those which we still have are: Contra Cresconium grammaticum about ; De unico baptismio about or , in answer to a work of the same name by Petilian; the brief report of the conference end of ; and the Liber contra Donatistas post collationem probably The earliest of the extant works against the Donatists present the same views of the Church and its sacraments which Augustine developed later.

The principles which he represented in this conflict are merely those which, in a simpler form, had either appeared in the anti-Donatist polemics before his time or had been part of his own earlier belief. What he did was to formulate them with more dogmatic precision,.

In the course of the conflict he changed his opinion about the methods to be employed; he had at first been opposed to the employment of force, but later came to the " Compel them to come in " point of view. It may well be doubted, however, if the practical struggle with the schismatics had as much to do with Augustine's development as has been supposed. Far more weight must be attached to the fact that Augustine had become a presbyter and a bishop of the catholic Church, and as such worked continually deeper into the ecclesiastical habit of thought.

This was not hard for the son of Monnica and the reverent admirer of Ambrose. His position as a bishop may fairly be said to be the only determining factor in his later views besides his Neoplatonist foundation, his earnest study of the Scripture, and the predestinarian conception of grace which he got from this. Everything else is merely secondary. Thus we find Augustine practically complete by the beginning of his episcopate-about the time when he wrote the Confessiones. It would be too much to say that his development stood still after that; the Biblical and ecclesiastical coloring of his thoughts becomes more and more visible and even vivid; but such development as this is no more significant than the effect of the years seen upon a strong face; in fact, it is even less observable here-for while the characteristic features of his spiritual mind stand out more sharply as time goes on with Augustine, his mental force shows scarcely a sign of age at seventy.

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His health was uncertain after , and his body aged before the time; on Sept. But his intellectual vigor remained unabated to the end. We see him, as Prosper depicts him in his chronicle, " answering the books of Julian in the very end of his days, while the on-rushing Vandals were at the gates, and gloriously persevering in the defense of Christian grace.

He was able to read on his sick-bed; he had the Penitential Psalms placed upon the wall of his room where he could see them. Meditating upon them, he fulfilled what he had often said before, that even Christians revered for the sanctity of their lives, even presbyters, ought not to leave the world without fitting thoughts of penitence. Of works not yet mentioned, those written after and named in the Retractationes, may be classified under three heads-exegetical works; minor dogmatic, polemical, and practical treatises; and a separate class containing four more extensive works of special importance.

The earliest of the minor treatises is De catechizandis rudibus about , interesting for its connection with the history of catechetical instruction and for many other reasons.